A troubling new Quinnipiac poll reveals a seismic shift in American voter attitudes since the beginning of the Israel–Gaza war in October 2023. Respondents were asked: “From what you know about the situation in the Middle East, do your sympathies lie more with the Israelis or more with the Palestinians?” A poll taken on October 17, 2023, showed 61% favored Israel and 13% favored the Palestinians. By June 11, 2024, only 37% favored Israel, while 32% expressed support for “Palestine.”
Even prior to the war, sentiment among Democrats had begun to shift. Back in March 2022, a majority of Democrats (53%) had an unfavorable view of Israel. A Gallup poll from that year showed Democratic support was evenly split, and by March 2025, the pro-Palestinian percentage had risen to 69%.
I will admit that those who seek to create a Palestinian state while aiming to eliminate Israel have done a masterful job of framing this as a progressive issue. They’ve cast it as a David (Palestinians) vs. Goliath (Israel) narrative. Even at rallies for unrelated issues – such as protests against ICE – individuals often show up wearing pro-Palestinian symbols and waving signs declaring “From the river to the sea.”
But that only explains part of the change. Some progressives – and even conservatives who support Israel – will claim that the Democratic Party has become Bernie Sanders’ party. We hear this every time a progressive defeats a traditional Democrat. The Squad, plus Jamaal Bowman, were once said to represent the new face of the Democratic Party. Yet Bowman and Cori Bush both lost their primaries. Even today, in New Jersey and Virginia, moderate Democrats have defeated progressive challengers.
This also doesn’t explain the shift among younger Republicans. According to a March 2025 Pew poll, 50% of Republicans under age 50 now have a negative view of Israel. (Gallup shows higher levels of support from Republicans overall.)
Another theory is that antisemitism is to blame. While antisemitism has always existed, there was traditionally bipartisan support for Israel despite it.
I believe the change since October 17 is best explained by what I’ll call the “Vietnam factor.” Before Vietnam, the United States had never lost a war. The U.S. military – like Israel’s military today – was effective at fighting conventional wars against state actors. America had played key roles in both World Wars and halted Chinese advancement in Korea. Similarly, Israel recently wreaked havoc on Iranian military infrastructure within twelve days and has flown over Iran with near impunity. It also quickly defeated Hezbollah, then considered the strongest military force in Lebanon.
Vietnam, however, was different. It was nearly impossible to distinguish enemy combatants from civilians. The war dragged on for years. It was also the first war in which television coverage shaped public perception. Iconic images – such as the naked child fleeing after an American bombing – were burned into the nation’s memory. Civilians, including women and children, were killed. Mistakes happened. The media showed a steady stream of suffering. Opposition began on college campuses but eventually went mainstream. President Nixon knew the war was lost when Walter Cronkite – America’s most trusted news anchor – publicly opposed it.
Israel finds itself in a similar situation. Hamas embeds itself among civilians, making it hard to distinguish fighters from noncombatants. Unlike Israel’s swift operations against Iran and Hezbollah, the war in Gaza has dragged on since October 7, 2023. Israel has attempted to restrict media access, but in the era of smartphones and social media, this is nearly impossible. I’m not active on social media, but I’ve been told that it is flooded with disturbing images from Gaza. Even mainstream outlets like the BBC and AP – considered unbiased by many, though not by me – air stories and footage of suffering Gazans, including starvation and civilian casualties.
Even during lulls in military activity, there are reports of people dying trying to find food. Aid agencies describe desperate conditions.
There are no easy answers in Gaza – just as there were none in Vietnam. In that war, the United States decided to withdraw and cut its losses. It was traumatic – America’s first military defeat – but the feared spread of communism didn’t materialize after Vietnam fell.
Israel faces a similar decision: continue the war, try to negotiate with Hamas, or unilaterally withdraw from Gaza. Former President Trump has tried to pressure both sides into a deal. Israel has accepted; as of this writing, Hamas has not.
Hamas has a strong incentive to prolong the war. They know the longer it goes on, the more support for Israel erodes.
We can make arguments about who is at fault and try to provide context for the situation in Gaza. The U.S. government did the same during Vietnam. It didn’t work. Public opinion turned. Now, support for the Palestinians over Israel is going mainstream – just as opposition to the Vietnam War did. It’s a frightening development.
But we must not – for partisan political reasons – write off the Democratic Party, especially since this trend affects segments of both parties. Nor should we attack everyone who is moved by what they see from Gaza. We must distinguish between two groups:
Those who support the global intifada and call for “Palestine from the river to the sea.”
Those who are reacting to a humanitarian crisis and blame the country they believe can stop it.
The first group will never change. The second group can return to their traditional support for Israel. That’s what happened in the U.S. a few years after Vietnam ended – and if Israel’s case is made effectively, it can happen again.
In the meantime, supporters of Israel must ensure that the political establishment continues its support – including military aid.
Warren S. Hecht is a local attorney. He can be reached at This email address is being protected from spambots. You need JavaScript enabled to view it.
